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and pakistan leads our overall policy efforts and we are supporting his efforts, ambassador grossman's efforts, to develop all of the different elements of our policies. >> tried to get him here but couldn't. >> okay. so, in other words, you aren't in a position really to answer my question? is that what you're saying? >> yes, senator. i would defer to the special representatives office. >> then would you since the question is to you would you get me a written answer to the question? >> i will, sir. >> thank you. mr. harrigan, what are dea's plans for continued operations should military forces draw down to levels that would not allow adequate support for your operations? >> well, again, co-chairman grassley, i have been in discussions really for the last 18 months with my counter part at the podium here, mr. wechsler, as well as our regional director in afghanistan with the u.s. military and si isaf forces. dea has no intention of drawing down any of our 81 personnel. it would be a bit premature to see right now how the drawdown will impact dea but let me assure you we continue to work with t
that as al qaeda leadership in pakistan comes under pressure, that it is not able to be defined as a safe haven in somalia. since the fall of the mass -- the last national government in 1991, somaliland both the autonomous areas of somalia, have been the only areas with effective governance. somali man seeks international recognition while it truly does not. the question of whether the united states and international committee for the recognizing somaliland or support it integration into greater somalia at some future point requires ongoing an examination and discussion. consequently, today's hearing offers a viable opportunity to examine u.s. policy on a variety of issues involving somali. now i return to ranking member, mr. payne, for comments he might have. >> thank you very much. i would like to thank you and mr. royce for calling this very important joint hearing on assessing the consequences of the failed state of somalia. and it's a pleasure to see my good friend, mr. royce, acting chair the african subcommittee at some point in the past and has maintained a strong interest as has
interests or an authorization debate in the congress. given all that is at stake in pakistan, afghanistan, iran, saudi arabia, egypt, syria, yemen and elsewhere in the islamic world, a rational strategic assessment would not devote sizable american military and economic resources to a civil war in libya. it is an expensive diversion that leaves the united states and our european allies with fewer assets to respond to other contingencies. under the constitution, it is our responseability to determine whether we should be a party to libya's civil war. as a part of this process we will consider the terms and scope of the joint resolution before us today. i'm concerned this resolution would provide broad authorities, permitting significant expansion of the united states military involvement in libya's civil war. the resolution would authorize the president to reescalate united states military involvement in libya, to and potentially beyond the lead role it played at the beginning of the operation when the united states carried out intensive airstrikes on a daily basis. the resolution would on
Search Results 0 to 2 of about 3